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ការវិនិយោគបរទេសជាឧបករណ៍ការពារជាតិរបស់ប្រទេសតូច នៅពេលនិយាយអំពីការការពារជាតិ មនុស្សភាគច្រើនតែងតែគិតដល់ទាហាន រថក្រោះ ឬយន្តហោះយុទ្ធសាស្ត្រ។ ប៉ុន្តែសម្រាប់ប្រទេសតូចៗ កម្លាំងយោធាតែមួយគត់មិនគ្រប់គ្រាន់ដើម្បីធានាសុវត្ថិភាពជាតិឡើយ។ ដោយហេតុនេះ ប្រទេសតូចជាច្រើនបានជ្រើសរើសយុទ្ធសាស្ត្រមួយផ្សេងទៀតដែលស្ងប់ស្ងាត់ និងមើលមិនឃើញច្បាស់ គឺការប្រើសេដ្ឋកិច្ចជាឧបករណ៍ការពារ។ ក្នុងទំនាក់ទំនងអន្តរជាតិ វាត្រូវបានហៅថា «ការទប់ស្កាត់តាមសេដ្ឋកិច្ច»។ ឧទាហរណ៍ល្បីមួយគឺ «Silicon Shield» របស់តៃវ៉ាន់ ដែលធ្វើឲ្យការប៉ះទង្គិចក្លាយជារឿងថ្លៃថ្នូរខ្លាំងសម្រាប់ពិភពលោកទាំងមូល។ គោលការណ៍មូលដ្ឋានគឺសាមញ្ញ៖ ប្រសិនបើប្រទេសមួយក្លាយជាអ្វីដែលពិភពលោកមិនអាចខ្វះបាន ការវាយប្រហារលើប្រទេសនោះនឹងបង្កការខូចខាតមិនត្រឹមតែចំពោះប្រទេសគោលដៅប៉ុណ្ណោះទេ ប៉ុន្តែថែមទាំងប៉ះពាល់ដល់អំណាចធំៗទូទាំងពិភពលោកផងដែរ។ បម្លែងការវិនិយោគឲ្យក្លាយជាការការពារ ការវិនិយោគបរទេសទំហំធំអាចដើរតួជាប្រព័ន្ធការពារដោយមិនប្រើអាវុធ តាមរយៈមធ្យោបាយសំខាន់ៗជាច្រើន។ ១. ចំណាប់អារម្មណ៍រួម បង្កើតសុវត្ថិភាពរួម នៅពេលអំណាចធំៗវិនិយោគប្រាក់រាប់ពាន់លានដុល្លារនៅក្នុងប្រទេសតូចមួយ ដូចជា...

An Urgent and Heartfelt Appeal to the Royal Government of Cambodia From a Concerned Citizen of the Kingdom Phnom Penh, December 27, 2025 Your Excellency Prime Minister Hun Manet,   Honourable Members of the Royal Government,   Brave Commanders and Soldiers of the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces,   And all fellow Khmer people, Today, our beloved Cambodia stands at a crossroads of profound pain and historic opportunity. The recent fierce clashes along our border with Thailand—beginning in July and tragically reignited in December—have brought immense suffering to our nation. Our brave soldiers have sacrificed their flesh and blood, defending our sacred soil with unwavering courage. Families mourn their fallen heroes, while hundreds of thousands of our innocent civilians flee their homes, carrying only the clothes on their backs and the hope that peace will soon return. We cannot let their sacrifices be in vain. We cannot allow the blood of our patrio...

The world urgently needs an international legal framework requiring thorough background checks before any nation or military force can purchase powerful weapons systems — such as fighter jets, missiles, attack drones, or other major conventional arms. Even in strongly pro-gun countries like the United States, civilians cannot purchase firearms without background checks designed to prevent dangerous individuals from acquiring them. Yet when it comes to entire armies or governments — some of which have documented poor human rights records, ongoing war crimes, ethnic cleansing, or severe ethical violations — For example the Thai army, there is often no equivalent mandatory, transparent, and binding screening process before they are allowed to acquire weapons capable of causing mass casualties and widespread destruction. If we recognize the need to screen individuals to prevent small-scale violence, it is only logical — and morally necessary — to demand rigorous scrutiny of sta...

The well-known saying "with great power comes great responsibility" reminds us that anyone — or any institution — with significant strength should use it carefully, accountably, and in ways that respect others' rights and international rules. Thailand stands out in Southeast Asia for its long history of military involvement in politics. Since the country shifted from absolute monarchy to constitutional monarchy in 1932, it has experienced around 12–13 successful military coups (more than any other nation in modern times), plus several attempted ones. The most recent major one was in 2014, when the army took control after months of protests. This pattern has led to repeated periods where the military directly ruled or heavily influenced civilian governments, often suspending parts of the constitution and limiting freedoms. International groups like Human Rights Watch have documented ongoing concerns, including: - Reports of torture and abuse of military conscri...

The Contentious Peace Theory proposes that durable peace between neighboring states—particularly in regions affected by border disputes, territorial tensions, and recurring bilateral crises—cannot be secured through diplomacy and economic integration alone. Instead, it argues for an innovative political mechanism that directly aligns the electoral incentives of governments with the lived interests of cross-border populations. While this approach challenges conventional understandings of national sovereignty, it targets one of the central drivers of interstate conflict: political leadership that benefits domestically from nationalism, even when such policies impose severe costs on ordinary people. Rather than treating peace as a fragile outcome maintained by elite agreements, the theory reframes peace as a participatory system in which citizens affected by cross-border policies gain meaningful influence over the governments shaping those policies. CORE PROPOSITION In regi...

Abstract Peacebuilding scholarship has historically concentrated on intra-state conflict, privileging frameworks that emphasize reconciliation, institutional reform, and social cohesion. While these approaches have proven effective in post–civil war environments, they remain insufficient for addressing contemporary interstate conflicts characterized by power asymmetry and weak enforcement of international norms. This article argues that the degradation of multilateral institutions—particularly the United Nations—has exacerbated conditions in which powerful states increasingly abuse weaker states with limited accountability. The article calls for a reorientation of peacebuilding theory to address interstate aggression in an era of declining global governance. Introduction Peacebuilding theory has evolved largely in response to intra-state conflicts, especially those emerging in the post–Cold War era. Civil wars, identity-based violence, and post-authoritarian transitio...

While the myth speaks of serpents and magic, historians believe this character represents the leadership of the early Funan period (approximately 1st–6th century CE). The female leader of Funan was called Princess Linyi. Here is how her leadership functioned: A Strategic Hub: By residing in the coastal area (likely the Mekong Delta or near modern-day Oc Eo), her people were the gatekeepers of the maritime silk road. Her ability to speak multiple languages wasn't just a talent—it was a survival and trade necessity to manage merchants from India, China, and the Malay Archipelago. The Unifier: Her "talents" likely included diplomacy and trade management. By gaining the respect of the highland tribes, she united the "water people" (coastal traders) with the "mountain people" (producers of forest goods like spices and precious woods). This union is the true birth of the Khmer nation. The Foundation of Khmer Animism Her rule highlights a core par...

Many Thai citizens and political actors sometimes blame foreign leaders—such as Hun Sen —instead of questioning their own leaders because of a mix of political convenience, nationalism, and media influence . First, blaming an external figure is politically useful. When governments face internal problems—economic inequality, corruption, military dominance, or democratic backsliding—it is easier to redirect public anger toward an outside “enemy.” A foreign leader becomes a convenient symbol that absorbs frustration which might otherwise be directed at domestic leadership failures. Second, nationalism simplifies complex issues. Conflicts and tensions are often far more complicated than “good versus bad.” Nationalist narratives reduce these complexities into emotional stories: our country is right; the other side is wrong . In this framing, foreign leaders like Hun Sen are portrayed as threats, which discourages critical reflection about Thailand’s own political structure a...

The prevailing narrative surrounding the Cambodia-Thailand border—often steeped in rhetoric of "lost land" and the specter of "foreign invasion"—is fundamentally a myth, one largely disconnected from the reality experienced by the communities living along the frontier. The facts on the ground starkly contradict the impassioned claims made by extremist nationalist voices from the capitals of Bangkok and Phnom Penh: The Land is Not Lost: The territories in question have not vanished. They are physically present, and the long-established pattern of life along the border continues unabated. No Foreign Invasion: The notion of an invading force is unsupported by the daily reality of cross-border existence. The border is, in practice, a ubiquitous, permeable line of engagement, not a fortified front. A History of Cooperation, Not Conflict For generations, the people living along the Cambodia-Thailand border have maintained a pragmatic and mutually beneficial re...

Thailand's recent actions—the King’s historic state visit to China and the government's outright rejection of U.S. mediation in the border conflict with Cambodia—signal a potential strategic adjustment. This adjustment points toward greater foreign policy independence and a deepening alignment with China, amidst regional geopolitical tensions. 1. The King's Visit to China: Elevating Strategic Partnership King Maha Vajiralongkorn’s state visit to Beijing (November 13–17, 2025) was a historic diplomatic event, marking the first visit by a reigning Thai monarch since 1975. This visit, just before the 50th anniversary of diplomatic relations, holds significant symbolic and strategic weight.  Key Focus: Discussions with President Xi Jinping emphasized the "China and Thailand as one family" narrative, focusing on collaboration in trade, infrastructure (e.g., the China-Thailand railway), emerging technology (AI, aerospace), and cultural exchange. Geopolitical...

​ The Khmer Empire (c. 802–1431 CE), one of Southeast Asia’s most enduring and influential civilizations, achieved its vast territorial reach not primarily through aggressive military conquests but through a sophisticated strategy of diplomatic absorption and voluntary integration of neighboring chiefdoms, tribal groups, and clans. This approach, exemplified by rulers like Indravarman I (r. 877–889 CE), who expanded the kingdom’s influence without resorting to large-scale wars, capitalized on the empire’s burgeoning economic prosperity and cultural magnetism. At the heart of this allure was the Khmer kings’ monumental patronage of Hinduism and later Mahayana Buddhism, which manifested in the construction of hundreds of grand temples—temples complexes—scattered across the region, from the early state temple of Bakong to the awe-inspiring Angkor Wat, built by Suryavarman II (r. 1113–1150 CE) as a towering symbol of divine kingship and cosmic order. These architectural marvels...

The notion that "religion exists only to control people" – a view often promoted by certain atheists or critics of organized faith – does not hold up well when examined historically or psychologically. A clear counterexample is the role of Buddhism in Southeast Asia, particularly in Thailand and Cambodia. The historical expansion of the Tai (Thai) peoples from southern China into mainland Southeast Asia between the 11th and 14th centuries succeeded in large part because they strategically adopted and promoted Theravāda Buddhism. Rather than imposing a foreign religion to dominate others, the Tai rulers and elites embraced Buddhism as a sophisticated, legitimate, and unifying ideology that appealed to the existing Mon-Khmer populations (especially the Khmer and Mon) who were already Buddhist. Kings such as Ramkhamhaeng of Sukhothai (late 13th century) presented themselves as righteous dhammarājas ("kings of righteousness") and generous patrons of the Sang...